Sunday, April 16, 2017

The Imtiaz Girl

I doubt anybody watching Vikramaditya Motwane's fabulously claustrophobic thriller Trapped will spare a thought about the woman in the story, but then that's the feminist's curse. We can't not notice. And I especially cannot miss an Imtiaz Girl hiding away in any corner of an otherwise impeccable tale.

Even though Geetanjali Thapa's character in the film was just a plot device to corner our protagonist into a bad decision that resulted in the film's main plot, couldn't they have come up with a better plot device than an Imtiaz Girl? Sorry, first the explanation...

An Imtiaz Girl is one of those modern day semi-liberated women you are most likely to find in an Imtiaz Ali movie. A badass away from home, but pragmatically goodie-two-shoes in front of family. Often engaged to be married to a man of the family's choosing, but game for some adventures before committing. The accidentally liberated girls - who set off from house looking only for a man's love, but end up doing something vaguely feministy.

Aditi, the orphan who must parade before a litany of would-be grooms for the benefit of her foster parents; but cannot resist a quick trip to Goa with total strangers for the fun of it.

Geet, whose only desire in life is to marry her college boyfriend, and runs off to be with him. He rejects her, and she takes up a job and leads a miserable lonely life in cold Simla. Until a Man comes to her rescue.

Heer, who is engaged to be married, and wants to live out a twisted Bachelorette fantasy with a guy clearly and easily smitten with her.

Veera, who runs out on her wedding, gets kidnapped and predictably develops Stockholm Syndrome.

In the spirit of all Imtiaz Girls, Thapa's Noorie is supposed to be the bolder half in the relationship. Rajkumar's Shaurya stutters as he tries to ask her out. She is so bold she teases him before going out with him. She even almost has sex with him - but alas! - she is already engaged, and must marry her intended, unless THE MAN DOES SOMETHING. That something he tries to do to rescue her from her marriage is what lands him in a ghost building, without roommates, without electricity or water, locked up on some 30+ floor with not a soul knowing his whereabouts. And while he struggles for his very existence, what does our girl do? She gets married, of course.

It used to puzzle me why so many Imtiaz Girls ended up eloping, or running out on impending weddings or engagements. But then, the Imtiaz Girl has little or no notion of standing up for herself, speaking out, earning her liberation bit by painful bit. She is the 21st Century manic pixie dreamgirl, helpless and manipulative in equal parts. A Man will always be her lifeboat to escape an unwanted marriage.

And the Imtiaz Girl is apparently becoming popular beyond Imtiaz Ali films as well. Tanu from Tanu Weds Manu was the classic Imtiaz Girl, fluttering her eyelids at prospective grooms to please her parents, then threatening them into calling off the engagement, because she has a boyfriend. It would never do to tell the parents herself.

A couple of years ago, four short films were afforded a mainstream release in the theatres under the title Chaar Cutting. Two of those films had female leads engaged to be married within a short deadline, UNLESS THE HERO DOES SOMETHING. And in both films, the hero fails to do that thing, and the heroine goes off to get married. One of them was a Mumbai girl who smokes and flirts with the guy in public places, and takes the initiative to get into a physical relationship. Yet when the guy goes into a coma, a day before her impending wedding to someone else, she promptly gets hitched, and sprouts a pregnant belly not a year from then. Smoking and flirting is the extent of her boldness.

And of course there are all the original Imtiaz Girls from Imtiaz films.

Are so many of our filmmakers so utterly convinced that women are these spineless, selfish, manipulative creatures, who will commit to a marriage if it pleases the family, and run out on that commitment as soon as a BETTER MAN shows up? Who, for the love of this Better Man, will elope, putting family and some poor guy through loads of pain, rather than blood speak up and tell people what she wants?

And it is no coincidence that none of these Imtiaz Girls are ever shown to have career aspirations. Unless the Imtiaz Girl is a guy.

Tamasha is to my knowledge the only Imtiaz film in which the girl does the honorable thing and breaks up with her boyfriend after she realizes she loves someone else. And she spends four years stewing in her feelings for this random guy she met on a vacation - four long years during which her parents patiently let her be, induct her in the family business, and reward her efforts with professional growth. The guy on the other hand is he manic pixie of this film. Away from parents and everything familiar, he lets himself free in faraway Corsica. He sings and dances and jumps and talks to mountains. Back in India and back to his job, he turns into a most boring version of himself. Four years later, the girl seeks him out, they start dating. But the girl was looking for her manic pixie. The guy cannot be the manic pixie anymore, or at least he thinks he can't. They break up, he goes on a search for his inner pixie, he rebels, he sets free, they reunite and all's well in pixie-land.

I might be one of the few people in the world who loved Tamasha. But the more I think about it, the more I feel that if Ved in the movie had been a girl, the story would have ended with the two young people reuniting after four years. All that searching-for-your-real-self stuff? That's for guys.

Saturday, February 25, 2017

The curious case of Mehra's Sahiba

Timeless love stories are perhaps not the best subject for a feminist analysis, but heck, sue me. It's not as if non-feminists are ga ga over Rakeysh Om Prakash Mehta's modern retelling of the Mirza-Sahiba tragedy.

What is it about love stories that makes our best filmmakers so regressive that they forget to write a fleshed out female character?

In Sanjay Leela Bhansali's Bajirao Mastani, the titular Mastani started out as a badass warrior princess. Once smitten by the hero Bajirao, she's reduced to a simpering pouting mess.

ROMP has featured some strong female characters in his movies. His very first Aks had Raveena with her unapologetic sexuality and Nandita Das calling out marital rape for what it was, over a decade before the issue became fashionable. His Rang De Basanti, Delhi 6 were studded with willful, intelligent and ambitious women.

So why is it that Soochita, the modern incarnation of Sahiba, seems neither willful, nor intelligent and forget ambitious. The fault cannot entirely lie with the (missing) acting skills of the actress playing her. From the moment adult Soochi made her appearance, all I knew about her as a person was that she loves her father who taught her lines from Shakespeare, is engaged to a handsome Prince, and really knows how to condition those wild curls. I see her returning from some phoren land as young women in a certain kind of film often do, but I haven't the slightest clue what she was doing there. Or what she plans to do back in India other than drink champagne by the poolside and learn horse riding.

ROMP reminds us of the old legend by intercepting the modern narrative with scenes from the past. It is easier to identify with Sahiba in those ancient settings. It is conceivable that a young woman in that barbaric patriarchal tribe would have her life defined by the men around her. Her conflict when the man she loves must clash with her brothers is palpable. That makes get betrayal understandable, which is at the very core of the Mirza-Sahiba tragedy.

The very same things seem difficult to relate in the modern sections. Soochita is not exactly an oppressed female in the way Sahiba was. She is a (phoren) educated woman. She could have nicely and gently broken up the engagement. It can't be unheard of even in modern day royal families. She could have used words. Her father is not a tribal chief. He is a gentle, loving man who recites Shakespeare. Her fiancé is a sensitive, intelligent man. She does not offer him the courtesy of truth about her childhood love. By the end, I found myself sympathizing more with the Prince than the runaway couple.

And the Mirza of this story. What of the fact that he is a murderer? Does Soochita even know this, or did her loving father shield her from the truth somehow? What does that mean for this great eternal romance? How would she feel about her dear Munish of she knew? And what does it say about Soochita that she let these three men of her life become enemies? Or if she does know about the murder and still wants to marry that guy, what the hell is wrong with her?

The Sahiba of legend found her fate hanging in between a tug of war between the men she loved. Her great crime was that she did not remain a passive spectator.

Mehra's Sahiba, by refusing to use her words, led her men to a completely avoidable battle. Passivity is exactly her crime.

Friday, February 19, 2016

Ground Zero Report on JNU Issue - only for fence sitters

Here's an article in Marathi by Mr Jayant Kumar Sonavane that I am taking the liberty to publish here in full without any edits from my side. I know some you probably have made up your mind on the issue, and nothing I or anyone says will change your mind. Those of you don't need to read this. I'm publishing it here for the people who maybe haven't yet taken sides, who wish to hear what could possibly drive so many people to side with JNU students and Kanhaiya Kumar on this issue, who have the patience to read and familiarize themselves with the nuance of the events that led up to this mess, and who can hopefully read and understand Marathi.

Without further comment...

Ground Zero Report on JNU Issue

by Jayant Kumar Sonavane

नवी दिल्लीच्या महरौली-वसंतकुंज भागात वसलेलं जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठ अर्थात JNU सध्या देशभरात चर्चेचा विषय बनलं आहे. अर्थात ते आधी चर्चेचा विषय नव्हतं अशातला भाग नाही. ह्या वर्षात पहिल्यांदा चर्चेत राहिलं ते केंद्रीय मानव संसाधन मंत्रालयाने उच्चशिक्षणासाठी फेलोशिप बंद केल्याच्या विरोधात “Occupy UGC” ह्या आंदोलनाबद्दल; दुसऱ्यांदा चर्चेत आलं ते हैदराबाद सेन्ट्रल विद्यापीठाच्या रोहीथ वेम्युला आत्महत्या (?) प्रकरणात केंद्रीय मानव संसाधन मंत्रालयावर नेलेल्या मोर्चाबद्दल; तिसरा मुद्दा, दि. ९ फेब्रुवारीच्या संध्याकाळी JNU कैम्पसमध्ये झालेल्या देशविरोधी घोषणाबाजीमुळे. ९ फेब्रुवारी ते आज १७ फेब्रुवारी ह्या गेल्या आठ दिवसात उतावळ्या मिडिया ट्रायल्समधून भारतातील सर्वांत नामांकित विद्यापीठ म्हणून लौकिक असलेली जनमानसातील प्रतिमा जावून ‘दहशतवाद्यांचा अड्डा’ अशी झाली. देशात राहणाऱ्या प्रत्येकाला मत मांडण्याचा, प्रदर्शित करण्याचा अधिकार आहे त्यानुसार अनेकांनी राष्ट्रीय भावनिक लाटेवर स्वार होत मिडिया ट्रायल्सच्या ‘ओ’ला ‘हो’ जोडत JNU बंद करा म्हणून तगादा लावला. प्रथमदर्शनी या संपूर्ण प्रकाराबाबत एक संदिग्धता वाटत होती, मिडीयात ज्या अविवेकी पद्धतीने JNU बाबत वक्तव्ये होत होती (आजही-आताही होत आहेत) त्यामुळे त्या संदिग्धतेला बळकटी प्राप्त होत होती म्हणून शेवटी संपूर्ण प्रकरण समजावून घेण्यासाठी पुन्हा JNU गाठलं, ९ तारखेच्या घटनेपासून परवाच्या पटियाला हाऊस कोर्ट मारहाण प्रकरणाच्या अनेक प्रत्यक्षदर्शी विद्यार्थ्यांशी चर्चा केली; त्याचा हा ‘ग्राउंड झिरो रिपोर्ट’!
मागच्या काही महिन्यांपूर्वी JNU कैम्पस मधील DSF (डेमोक्रेटिक स्टूडेंट्स फेडरेशन) मधून काही विद्यार्थी वैचारिक मतभेदांमुळे बाहेर पडले, ज्यात ओमर खालिद पण होता. दि. ९ फेब्रुवारी रोजी संध्याकाळी साडेपाच वाजता साबरमती हॉस्टेलसमोरील पटांगणावर ओमर खालिद आणि त्याच्या सात ते आठ सहकाऱ्यांनी “Country without Post Office” हा सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम आयोजित केला होता ज्यात ‘Debate on Judicial Killing’ हा एक वादविवादाचा मुद्दा ठेवण्यात आला होता. विद्यापीठाच्या नियमानुसार अटींची पूर्तता करण्याचे वचन देवून दि. ७ रोजी सकाळी कुलगुरूंच्या कार्यालयातून या कार्यक्रमाला परवानगी दिली गेली. त्याच दिवशी दुपारपर्यंत ह्या कार्यक्रमाचे आयोजक असलेल्या आठ ते नऊ विद्यार्थ्यांच्या नाव आणि सहीचे प्रसिद्धीपत्रक JNU मध्ये वाटले गेले. (‘Country without Post Office’ हा काश्मीरी वंशाचे अमेरिकन कवी आगा शाहीद अली यांचा कवितासंग्रह आहे.) कार्यक्रम सुरु होण्याच्या एक तास आधी कुलगुरू कार्यालयातून हा कार्यक्रम रद्द करण्याची सूचना आली, आयोजकांनी कुलगुरूंना याबाबत विचारणा केली असता ABVP ने यासंदर्भात तक्रार केली असल्याचे निष्पन्न झाले. यावर कुलगुरू कार्यालयातून एक कारण देण्यात आले ते म्हणजे ‘ह्या कार्यक्रमादरम्यान अनुचित प्रकार घडण्याची संभावना आहे, यामुळे परवानगी नाकारण्यात येत आहे.’ पाच वाजता कार्यक्रमाच्या नियोजीत स्थळी जमलेल्या काश्मिरी विद्यार्थ्यांमध्ये संतापाची भावना तयार झाली आणि त्यांनी त्यांच्या विशिष्ट पद्धतीने शिट्ट्या मारत झालेल्या प्रकाराबाबत निषेध व्यक्त करायला सुरुवात केली. त्याचवेळी तेथे आधीपासून उपस्थित असलेल्या ABVPच्या गटातून “अफजल जैसी मौत मरा, तुम्हें भी वैसी मौत मारेंगे”, “कश्मीरी देश के गद्दार है, उन्हें पाकिस्तान भेजो” अशी घोषणाबाजी झाली. प्रत्यक्षदर्शी विद्यार्थ्यांच्या सांगण्यानुसार काश्मिरी गटात आणि ABVP अशा दोन्हीही गटात Non-JNU विद्यार्थ्यांची संख्या मोठी होती. वेळ पुढे सरकत होती तशी वातावरणातील तनाव वाढत होता. त्यानंतर कश्मीरी विद्यार्थ्यांच्या गटातून घोषणाबाजी झाली “अफजल हम शरमिंदा है, तेरे कातील जिंदा है!”, “भारत की बरबादी तक, जंग हमारी जारी रहेगी”.... ह्या उत्तर-प्रत्युत्तराच्या घोषणाबाजीनंतर काही काश्मिरी विद्यार्थी आणि काही अभाविप कार्यकर्ते यांच्यात झटापट झाली. तेथे उपस्थित असलेल्या अनेक विद्यार्थ्यांनी आणि JNUSU कौन्सिलर्सनी ह्या दोन्ही पक्षातील विद्यार्थ्यांना घोषणाबाजी रोखण्याची विनंती केली. हा सगळा मुद्दा संपूर्ण भारतात मिडीयाने व्हिडीओसकट पोहोचवला. साबरमती हॉस्टेल पटांगणावर झालेल्या ह्या प्रकारानंतर सर्वांत पहिल्यांदा रिपोर्ट्स आले ते ‘झी न्यूज’ आणि ‘आज तक’वर. प्रत्यक्षदर्शी विद्यार्थ्यांच्या सांगण्यानुसार दुपारच्या चार वाजेपासूनच त्या ठिकाणी या वृत्तवाहिन्यांचे कॅमेरे तैनात होते. वर उल्लेख केलेल्या वृत्तवाहिन्यांसहित सर्वच ‘पान टपरी छाप’ वृत्तवाहिन्यांच्या मिडिया ट्रायल्समधून सरसकट संपूर्ण JNU ला एका रात्रीत ‘आतंकवादी’ जाहीर करण्यात आलं. यानंतर मुद्दा उठतो तो JNUSU चा अध्यक्ष कन्हैया कुमार याच्या अटकेचा...
पहिल्यांदा JNUSU काय आहे हे समजून घेवूयात. आपल्या शाळां आणि कॉलेजेसमध्ये जसे विद्यार्थी मंत्रीमंडळ असते तसंच जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठात विद्यापीठाच्या अधिष्ठातांच्या (Dean) कार्यकक्षेअंतर्गत JNUSU- Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union ही अस्थायी संघटना बनवली आहे. चार मुख्य पदाधिकारी आणि विविध विभागांचे (Schools) ३० कौन्सिलर्स असे मिळून सुमारे ३४ सदस्यांची दरवर्षी विद्यार्थ्यांमधून खुल्या निवडणुकांच्या माध्यमातून सदर संघटनेवर निवड करण्यात येते. JNU च्या आवारातील राजकीय-सामाजिक आणि वैचारिक वातावरण निकोप ठेवण्याची नैतिक जबाबदारी ह्या विद्यार्थी प्रतिनिधींवर असते. सन १९६९ पासून आजपर्यंतच्या ५७ वर्षांच्या इतिहासात JNUSU वर नेहमीच डाव्या विचारसरणीच्या AISF- All India Students’ Federation, AISA- All India Students’ Union, SFI- Students’ Federation of India ह्या संघटनांचे वर्चस्व राहिले आहे. विद्यापीठात कॉंग्रेस प्रणीत NSUI- National Students’ Union of India आणि भाजपा प्रणीत ABVP- अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद यांचे नाममात्र अस्तित्व आहे. JNUSU च्या चार मुख्य पदाधिकाऱ्यांपैकी अध्यक्ष कन्हैया कुमार हा AISF चा, उपाध्यक्ष शेहला रशीद आणि मुख्य सचिव नागाजी हे दोघेही AISA आणि सहसचिव सौरभ शर्मा हा ABVP चा सदस्य आहे.
९ फेब्रुवारीची घटना घडली त्याठिकाणी म्हणजे साबरमती हॉस्टेल परिसरात कन्हैयाकुमार आपल्या साथीदारांसोबत सहा-साडे सहाच्या दरम्यान पोहोचला, आपली नैतिक जबाबदारी ओळखून त्याने दोन्हीही पक्षाच्या विद्यार्थ्यांना घोषणाबाजी बंद करण्याची विनंती केली. JNUSU चे कौन्सिलर्स तसेच काही प्राध्यापक आणि विद्यार्थी यांनी मध्यस्थी करून वातावरण शांत केले. साडे पाच ते साडे सात दरम्यान जे काही घडलं ते वृत्तवाहिन्यांच्या कॅमेरा मध्ये टिपलं गेलं आहे. जे स्क्रीनवर पूर्ण आवाजात आणि अनकट स्वरूपात दिसतंय ते सत्य आहे. आणि जर व्हिडीओचा ऑडीओ म्युट न करता, व्हाईसओव्हर न करता ऐकवलं जात असेल तर तेही सत्य आहे.
JNU च्या नियमांनुसार कुलगुरूंना मागेल त्याला कार्यक्रमाची परवानगी देणे बंधनकारक आहे, हे आजपासून नव्हे तर विद्यापीठाच्या स्थापनेपासूनची अखंडित संकेत वा परंपरा आहे. ‘Country without Post Office’ ची परवानगी का नाकारली याची विचारणा कन्हैयाने देखील केली असं काही विद्यार्थ्यांचं म्हणनं आहे. अर्थात त्याच्या जबाबदारी आणि कर्तव्याचा भाग आहे. कुलगुरू कार्यालयातून मिळालेल्या उत्तराने काश्मिरी विद्यार्थ्यांचे समाधान झाले नाही आणि त्यातल्या त्यात ABVP च्या तक्रारीवरून आपल्याविरोधात सूडभावनेने निर्णय घेतला गेला अशी काश्मिरी विद्यार्थ्यांची धारणा झाली. वृत्तवाहिन्यांच्या कॅमेरामागे उभे असलेल्या ABVP च्या कार्यकर्त्यांनी काश्मिरी जनतेविरोधात आणि अफजल गुरु विरोधात घोषणाबाजी केली आणि वादाची ठिणगी पडली, हे प्रत्यक्षदर्शी विद्यार्थ्यांनीही सांगितले आणि मिडिया फुटेजमधूनही स्पष्ट होत आहे. JNU मधील School of Historical Studies मधून M. Phil. करणाऱ्या एका विद्यार्थ्याने सांगितलं की कुलगुरू कार्यालयाने JNUSU च्या कौन्सिलर्सला कारण देताना सांगण्यात आलं की, “JNU के इन्टेलिजेन्स के अनुसार कोई बड़ी अनुचित घटना की आशंका जताई गई है और उसी के आधारपर सावधानी के तौर पर इस प्रोग्रामकी अनुमती रद्द कर दी गई..” मी या विद्यार्थ्याला विचारलं की, “क्या आपने इससे पहले ऐसा रिज़न कभी सुना है जे.एन.यू. में ?” तर यावर त्याने मानेने नकार दिला पुढे आश्चर्य व्यक्त केलं की “JNU इन्टेलिजेन्स नामकी चीज मै पहलीबार सून रहा हुं.”
घटना घडली ती रात्र, दुसरा, तिसरा दिवस आणि तिसऱ्या रात्रीच्या बारा वाजेपर्यंत कन्हैया कुमार, शेहला रशीद, नागजी आणि सौरभ शर्मा हे JNU च्या आवारातून वा वृत्तवाहिन्यांच्या स्टुडीओ मधून मिडिया ट्रायल्सला सामोरे जात होते. यासर्व घटना घडत असतानाच गेल्या १८ दिवसांपासून ‘Justice for Rohith’ हे आंदोलन सुरु होते, या आंदोलनाचा भाग म्हणून सुमारे दहा ते बारा विद्यार्थी उपोषणाला बसले होते. दि. ११ फेब्रुवारीच्या संध्याकाळी कन्हैयाने मिडिया ट्रायल्स मधून JNU च्या करण्यात आलेल्या मानहानीबाबत निंदा केली आणि देशद्रोही घोषणाबाजीच्या विरोधात त्याची आणि JNUSU ची भूमिका स्पष्ट केली. दुसऱ्या दिवशी दि. १२ रोजी सकाळी कन्हैयाचे भाषण व्हायरल झाले.
दि. १२ फेब्रुवारी पर्यंत कन्हैया, शेहला, नागजी आणि सौरभ हे चौघे मिडियामध्ये आपापल्या भूमिका मांडत असताना ज्यांच्या कार्यक्रमात हा प्रकार घडला ते काश्मिरी विद्यार्थी कुठे गेले? दि. ९ आणि १० रोजी ओमर खालिद आणि काही काश्मिरी विद्यार्थी आपले मत मांडण्यासाठी वृत्तवाहिन्यांच्या विनंतीवरून डिबेटमध्ये सहभागी झाले त्यावेळी अर्नब गोस्वामी, दीपक चौरसिया, सरदाना इ. यांच्या एकांगी भोकाडबाजीमुळे घोषणाबाजीबाबत मत मांडायला कश्मीरी विद्यार्थ्यांना पुरेसा वेळ मिळू शकला नाही, त्यांचे म्हणणे ऐकून न घेता फक्त भावनिक आवरण चढवून त्यांना दहशतवादी ठरवण्याचा फार्स करण्यात आला म्हणून त्यांनी दि. ११ पासून कुठल्याही मिडीयाला कुठल्याही प्रकारे सामोरे न जाण्याचा निर्णय घेतला. १२ तारखेला दिल्ली पूर्व चे भाजपा खासदार महेश गिरी यांनी ‘JNU हा दहशतवाद्यांचा अड्डा आहे’ अशी FIR दाखल करत केंद्राकडून कठोर कारवाईची विनंती केली. याआधी दोन आंदोलनांत JNUच्या विद्यार्थ्यांनी मानव संसाधन विकास मंत्रालयाला टार्गेट केले होते, १२ तारखेलाच स्मृती इराणी यांनी JNU संदर्भात जाहीर वक्तव्य केले; आणि गेल्या चार दिवसांपासून मिडिया जाणीवपूर्वक अतार्किक आणि अतांत्रिक मुद्दे पुढे करत JNUची आणि विशेषतः डाव्या विद्यार्थी संघटनांची बदनामी करत होती, त्यावरून १२ तारखेच्या संध्याकाळी JNUमध्ये पोलीस अटकसत्र राबवू शकते अशी कुणकुण AISA, SFI आणि AISFच्या कार्यकर्त्यांना लागली होती. AISF वगळता सगळे सक्रीय कौन्सिलर्स आणि कार्यकर्ते JNUमधून बाहेर पडले. काहींनी कन्हैयालाही बाहेर जाण्याचा सल्ला दिला, पण ज्यात आपली काही चूक नाही त्या लफड्यापासून दूर का पळावं म्हणून तो कैम्पसमधेच थांबला. १३ तारखेच्या पहाटे २ वाजता कन्हैयाला पोलिसांनी अटक केली. रात्रीच्या दोन वाजता कोणतेही राजशिष्टाचार न पाळता महिला-पुरुष होस्टेल्सची झडती घेण्यात आली. कैम्पसमध्ये असलेल्या कोणत्याही डाव्या विद्यार्थी संघटनेच्या कार्यकर्त्याला अटक न करता फक्त कन्हैयाकुमारला अटक करण्यात आली.
प्रथमदर्शनी घटनाक्रमातून काही प्रश्न उपस्थित होतात,
- देशविरोधी घोषणा दिल्या गेल्या, ज्यांच्या कार्यक्रमात आणि ज्यांनी फूस लावून हा प्रकार घडवून आणला त्या ओमार खालिद व कंपनी आणि ABVP यांना अटक न करता कन्हैया कुमारला का अटक करण्यात आली?
- ‘Country without Post Office’ ह्या कार्यक्रमात Non-JNU काश्मिरी विद्यार्थी सहभागी होवून कायदा- सुव्यवस्था आणि सुरक्षेचा प्रश्न उपस्थित होईल म्हणून ABVPने कुलगुरूंकडे तक्रार केली, पण ABVPच्या गटात देखील Non-JNU चेहरे होते त्यांना कोणतं लेबल लावायचं?
- रात्रीच्या दोन वाजता देशाच्या एका प्रीमिअर इंस्टीट्युटमध्ये सर्व प्रोटोकॉल्स धाब्यावर बसवून एका विद्यार्थी प्रतिनिधीला अटक करण्यात येते, विद्यापीठ यंत्रणेने यात काहीच हस्तक्षेप करू नये? (डॉ. पार्थसारथी कुलगुरू असताना आणीबाणीच्या काळातही त्यांनी पोलिसांना विद्यापीठाच्या आत येण्यास मज्जाव करून विद्यापीठात घडणाऱ्या कुठल्याही घटनेची नैतिक जबाबदारी स्विकारण्याची भूमिका घेतली होती.) JNU च्या ४७ वर्षांच्या इतिहासात पहिल्यांदाच कैम्पसमध्ये पोलीस येवून विद्यार्थ्याला अटक झाली.
- राष्ट्रीय मिडियातून JNUची बदनामी होत असताना त्याविरोधात किमान स्टेटमेंट देण्याची साधनसुचिता कुलगुरूंना अथवा विद्यापीठाच्या प्रशासकीय यंत्रणेला पाळता आली नाही का?
हे प्रश्न JNUच्या सामान्य विद्यार्थ्यांनी उपस्थित केले आहेत.
कन्हैयावर लावलेले गुन्हे न्यायालयाने अमान्य केले आहेत. कोर्टातील गुंडांनी, भाजपा आमदार व त्याच्या समर्थकांनी केलेली मारहाण, कायदा हातात घेण्याची भाषा आणि दुसरीकडे अगदी सुरुवातीपासून भारतीय संविधानावर आपला अगाध विश्वास असल्याचा कन्हैया करत असलेला दावा बघता, आणि तो ज्या पद्धतीने या सर्व कार्यवाहीला सामोरा जात आहे त्यातून त्याची आणि एकुणात JNUची प्रतिमा उजळ होत आहे.
कन्हैयाला अटक झाल्यानंतर ओमर खालिद आणि त्याच्या सहकाऱ्यांनी कैम्पसमधून काढता पाय घेतला. ह्या घटनेचे मूळ जिथे आहे त्यावर नजर फिरवली तर कन्हैया ची अटक ही अतार्किक आहे हे सामान्य बुद्धिमत्तेचा कोणताही व्यक्ती मान्य करेल. कन्हैयाला अटक झाल्यानंतर देशाच्या गृहमंत्र्याने विधान केले की “कन्हैयाला हाफिज सईदचा पाठींबा आहे.” दोन दिवसांपूर्वी भारताच्या गुप्तेहेर यंत्रणेने (IB) भारत सरकारला दिलेल्या अहवालानुसार कन्हैयाचे हाफिज सईदशी कुठलेही धागेदोरे मिळत नाहीयेत. ह्या अहवालासोबतच अजून एक अहवाल सरकारला सादर करण्यात आला त्यानुसार ओमर खालिदला काश्मीरमधील जैश-ए-महोम्मद या फुटीरतावादी संघटनेचा पाठींबा आहे, तर हा दुसरा अहवाल सरकारने अमान्य केल्याची प्राथमिक माहिती समोर येत आहे. भारत सरकारने कन्हैयाच्या अटकेसाठी केलेला आततायीपणा आणि दुसरीकडे ओमर खलीदच्या बाबतीत घेत असलेला बचावात्मक पावित्रा स्पष्टपणे सरकारच्या अथवा सरकार चालवणाऱ्यांच्या ‘motives’ला अधोरेखित करत आहे.
- ‘जैश-ए-महोम्मद’ या संघटनेचे जम्मू आणि काश्मीर राज्यातील बहुमतातील PDP ह्या पक्षाशी मैत्रीपूर्ण संबंध आहेत.
- एकीकडे राष्ट्रवादाचा नारा देत भाजपाने जम्मू आणि काश्मीरमध्ये PDP ह्या फुटीरतावादी पक्षाशी हातमिळवणी करून सत्ता स्थापन केली होती.
- जम्मू आणि काश्मीरचे मुख्यमंत्री मुफ्ती महोम्मद यांच्या निधनानंतर राज्यात नवीन सरकार बनले नाहीये, आणि मेहबूबा मुफ्ती सरकार स्थापनेबाबत कोणताही ठोस संकेत देत नाहीयेत त्यामुळे दिवसेंदिवस भाजपा गटातील चुळबुळ वाढत आहे.
- JNUचा विद्यार्थी ओमर खालिद (ज्याचे ‘जैश-ए-महोम्मद’सोबत संबंध असल्याचा IBचा रिपोर्ट होता) त्याला अटक झाली तर जम्मू आणि काश्मीरमध्ये भाजपाविरोधात जनमत तयार होऊन PDPसोबतच्या सत्तेच्या वाटाघाटी फिस्कटू शकतात.
- ओमरला अटक झाली तर आसाम आणि उत्तरप्रदेशातील मुस्लिम मतांचे ध्रुवीकरण होऊन भाजपाच्या प्रतिमेवर त्याचा नकारात्मक प्रभाव पडू शकतो, त्यामुळे सरकार ओमरच्या ऐवजी कन्हैयाला टार्गेट करून बळीचा बकरा बनवत होती. पण न्यायालयाच्या निर्णयाने सरकारच्या मनसुब्यांवर पाणी फेरले अशी चर्चा JNUमध्ये अथवा नवी दिल्लीच्या राजकीय वर्तुळात रंगत आहे.
- कन्हैयाला अटक करण्यामागे पूर्ववैमनस्याचा भाग ग्राह्य धरायचा म्हटला तर कन्हैया हा JNUमधला School of International Studies च्या African Study Centreला शिकणारा अजातशत्रू विद्यार्थी म्हणून त्याची पहिली इमेज समोर येते. ह्याच इमेजच्या आधारावर यंदाच्या JNUSUच्या निवडणुकीत AISFने फक्त एकच- अध्यक्षपदाची निवडणूक लढवली आणि बहुमतांनी ती जागा निवडून आणली. कन्हैयाच्या अटकेनंतर ज्याप्रकारे भाजपाने आणि सरकारने विषय हाताळला त्याचा निषेध म्हणून ABVPच्या JNU युनिटच्या ३ पदाधिकाऱ्यांनी दिलेला राजीनामा खूप काही सांगून जातो.
- कन्हैयाला अटक करण्यामागे भाजपा गोटात JNUतील मुक्त वातावरणाबद्दल, डाव्या विद्यार्थी चळवळीबद्दल असलेला आकसही दिसून येतो. अटकेनंतर आणि कोर्टाचा निर्णय यायच्या आधी ABVP आणि भाजपा गोटातून ज्याप्रकारच्या टिप्पण्या आल्या त्यातून त्यांचा रोख त्याच दिशेने होता.
JNUच्या निमित्ताने माझ्याही मनात उठलेला एक प्रश्न मी प्रत्येकाला विचारून त्यांची मतं घेत होतो. “क्या यूनिवर्सिटी या किसीभी शैक्षणिक संस्थान में पढ़ते समय राजनीतिक मामलोंमे दखलंदाजी करना आपको सही लगता है?” जे.एन.यु.च्या प्रशासकीय ब्लॉकपासून पेरियार हॉस्टेलकडे पायवाटेने जाताना सोबतच्या एका विद्यार्थ्याला विचारलेला हा पहिला प्रश्न. त्यावर तो उद्गारला, “बेशक सर! शैक्षणिक जीवन में राजनीतिक घटनाओंपर सोचविचार होना, बहस होना-डिबेट होना बहुत जरुरी है; मैं यह कहूँगा की यह एक सक्रीय विद्यार्थी जीवन का अंग है |” मग मी त्याला प्रतिप्रश्न केला, “लेकिन राजनीती और पढाई दोनों तो अलग बातें है, आप इनका संबंध कैसे जोड़ सकते है?” यावर तो हसला आणि म्हणाला, “बहुत गहरा ताल्लुख है, अगर राजनीती कर रहे नेताओंने जरासी भी पढाई की होती तो इस बारके सालाना शिक्षा बजट में कटौती नहीं होती, फ़ेलोशिप बंद नहीं होती,” तोच पुढे बोलू लागला, “राजनीती कहां नही होती? घर हो या हॉस्टल, पोलिटिक्स तो हर जगह है ना... जैसे हम अपने परिवार को एकोनोमिक्स का सबसे छोटा युनिट समझते है, वैसेही युनिवर्सिटी राजनीतिक मामलो का स्मोलेस्ट युनिट समझ लिजीये.” एम.ए.च्या दुसऱ्या वर्गात शिकणाऱ्या ह्या मित्राची राजकीय समज ऐकून एकुणात त्याच्या आजूबाजूला वावरणाऱ्या विद्यार्थ्यांच्याही बौद्धिक कुवतीचा अंदाज बांधला. पुढे सेन्ट्रल लायब्ररी समोरील मेसमध्ये School of International Relation मध्ये शिकणाऱ्या सौरभ, राशी आणि इरफान यांच्याशी रोहीथ वेम्युलासंदर्भातील ‘Justice for Rohith’ या आंदोलनाच्या भविष्याबाबत चर्चा झाली. सौरभ म्हणाला की, “JNU मधली आंदोलनं म्हणजे फक्त नारेबाजी नसते. Passive Resistance च्या नीतीने आंदोलनं केली जातात, त्याचाच एक भाग म्हणून रोहित वेम्युला ते कन्हैया कुमार प्रकरणात अधोरेखित झालेल्या ‘राष्ट्रवादा’वर JNUमधील जेष्ठ प्राध्यापक, विचारवंत आणि सामाजिक कार्यकर्ते विद्यार्थ्यांचा पाठ घेणार आहेत. यात जेष्ठ इतिहासकार रोमिला थापर, ई.एस.अच्युतानंद, जानकी नायर, निवेदिता मेनन इ. ‘राष्ट्रवाद’ या विषयावर खुला पाठ घेणार आहेत. मुळची चंडीगडची असलेली राशी सांगत होती की, “JNUच्या प्रशासकीय इमारतीच्या समोर खुल्या पटांगणात ही सगळी व्याख्याने होतात, यात सर्वच विचारसरणीचे विद्यार्थी सहभागी होवून खुल्या चर्चेद्वारे विचारमंथन करतात.” School of Historical Studies मध्ये M. Phil. करणारा नील निर्दोष कुमार म्हटला की, “मी वैयक्तिक कुठल्याही विचारसरणीला बांधील नसलो तरी रोहित वेम्युला प्रकरणाबाबत मलाही तीव्र दुःख झाले आहे, आणि JNUच्या घोषणाबाजीचं प्रकरण ज्या पद्धतीने मिडिया आणि सरकारी पातळीवर हाताळलं जातंय ते निव्वळ जनतेची दिशाभूल करणारे आहे.”
गेल्या सात दिवसांत झी न्यूज, एबीपी न्यूज, आज तक, टाईम्स नाऊ इ. वृत्तवाहिन्यांनी कुठलेही सत्यशोधन न करता सरळ सरळ “जे.एन.यू. बना आतंकियोंका अड्डा” अशी अविवेकी विधाने प्रसारित केलीत. हनुमनथप्पाच्या मृत्यूच्या घटनेचे जे.एन.यू. प्रकरणाला फैब्रिकेशन करण्यात आले. सत्यशोधनाच्या ऐवजी देशभक्तीच्या परीक्षा पाहणारे असंबद्ध प्रश्न विचारून JNU ची बाजू मांडणाऱ्यांची बोलती बंद कशी राहील या अजेंडाने मिडिया डिबेट्स घडवून आणल्या गेल्या. भारतात आपण कर भरतो म्हणून आपल्याला संविधानातील मुलभूत कर्तव्यांतून मुक्ती मिळाली आहे आणि संपूर्ण देश फक्त आपल्याच पैशावर चालतोय आणि आमच्या पैशांवर शिकणाऱ्यांनी फक्त चुपचाप शिकून घ्यावं, आम्ही उदार मनाने आरक्षण ह्या देशात ठेवलंय म्हणून आमच्या उपकारात राहावं, अशी भावना भारतातील जवळ जवळ ६० टक्के; सामाजिक-राजकीय आणि अर्थशास्त्राच्या जमजुतीत Lag असणाऱ्यांच्या मनात निर्माण झाली. अर्थात यात दोष त्यांच्या मानसिकता, विचारसरणी अथवा बुद्धीचा नाही तर त्यांच्या पर्यंत पोहोचवल्या गेलेल्या फैब्रीकेटेड माहितीचा.
- जयंतकुमार सोनवणे

Thursday, January 28, 2016

Aligarh trailer and the Punjabiyat of Ranjit Katiyal

So the trailer for Hansal Mehta’s upcoming film Aligarh is finally out, and the fact that I happen to have watched the film a few months ago does nothing to temper my excitement. In fact having loved it at MAMI, I feel somewhat invested in the film's commercial fate. This story based on true events deserves to be told, and it could not have been in better hands than the superb cast and crew of Aligarh. If you haven't watched the trailer, drop everything and watch it on the Eros website right now.


I'll spare you any details about the story until its release, but allow me to wax on a neat little detail, already revealed in the trailer.


Like the real life professor on whose story it is based, Manoj Bajpai’s Prof Siraj in the film is in his 60s, and teaches Marathi at the Aligarh University. At one point he laments that this adds to his isolation in this Urdu dominated city (besides his sexual orientation).


One of the many things that sets this film apart from the Bollywood mainstream is this choice of a central protagonist. When was the last time you saw a soft spoken, ageing, middle class Marathi man of slight stature at the centre of a Hindi film?


And this isn't just because of the “based on real events” tag on the film. In adapting real events or books, filmmakers have the creative freedom to change some details of character, and they do it all the time. In the film adaptation of The Martian, the character of Venkat Kapoor is modified into the African-American Vincent Kapoor, perhaps because they wanted Chiwetel Ejiofor to play him. And who can blame them? He was amazing.


In the more recently released Airlift however, I'm a little disappointed in the film's decision to fuse two real life heroes from Kerala into one Punjabi Akshay Kumar. Why did AK's character in the film have to be a Ranjit Katiyal, the strapping Punjabi savior of a predominantly Keralite Indian population stuck in the middle of a warzone in the Gulf? If it was because the makers were keen to have AK play the part, it was perhaps wise not to make him bumble with an accent.


In doing so however, the film loses out on quite a bit of the kind of nuance that can add texture to the narrative, and sometimes make for some delicious cinematic moments.


This is not a social rant, but one about a creative choice. Nor does it make Airlift a bad film. The film works beautifully within its own universe, but a little more authenticity could have made it so much more. A stray observation on the Kerala-Gulf connection. Some harmless cultural humor. A slight Sidin Vadukut touch, maybe.


Granted, the film is not about any of these things. It is a tight thriller with a very focused storyline. Then again, would it have been any less tight or focused with a Malayali family at its centre? Haven't we had enough Punjabi NRIs in our films?


Cultural details add value to such stories. What would Munnabhai’s confrontations with Dr Asthana be without those Bambaiyya potshots? An street ruffian with a heart of gold in a medical college. What would Piku be if Bhashkor wasn't so Bengali? An ageing, intellectual Bengali hypochondriac in Delhi.


And when you watch Aligarh, ask yourself what that film would be if Manoj Bajpai’s Siraj wasn't so Marathi. A homosexual Marathi poet teaching in a Muslim University.

Like Aligarh, the source material for Airlift afforded it the opportunity for a protagonist who would be unusual for a Hindi film, but the more engaging for it. A Malayali Christian businessman in Kuwait. Sadly, for whatever reasons, the makers chose not to use it.

Tuesday, October 27, 2015

Youth films and the Rajwade kids



I have an axe to grind with most Indian films about young people and youth - most of them seem obsessed with young romance as if it were the most profound thing in the world. I am not against young people hooking up. I envy people who find their life partners at a very young age and manage to stick to the relationship and build a life together. Envy, because it is such a rare occurrence. I know exactly three such couples in real life, and the beauty of their stories lies not in the meeting or falling in love, but in the years of growing up together, navigating the challenges of adulthood and the needling doubts that are bound to crop up. Those are stories we almost never get to see in the movies. What we get is the kind of films Alia Bhatt has made her own.

Her debut movie has her torn between a rich guy and a poor guy. By the end of the movie we are told she has managed to stick it out with one of them. Her second film had her running out on her own wedding. Her most successful film till date is about how she goes about getting married to the guy she met in college. She is one our youngest actors who actually looks young, and I am yet to see her in a role where marriage isn’t one of the major themes. She is much more fun to watch in pimple cream ads and YouTube videos.

This is the one of the unique features of Sachin Kudalkar's new Marathi film Rajwade And Sons. Despite the presence of four good looking single youngsters and one good looking single Atul Kulkarni, the film is refreshingly unconcerned with love and romance. Exactly one character has a romantic sub-plot, and the paramour in that story has all of one scene and no speaking part. For the rest of its runtime, the characters in the film have their hands full trying to balance the expectations of the older generation against the aspirations of youth.
I have not read any of the reviews, but from what I heard, the film has been accused of being slow with not a lot happening. That isn’t something I strictly mind in a film that can engage me in the slowly unfolding little stories of interesting characters, and that is something Rajwade And Sons does quite well.

Briefly, the ‘story’ follows three generations of a very affluent family in Pune as they move out of their ancestral mansion, which they have assigned to redevelopment. They briefly settle into four separate flats in one of those swanky apartment buildings that have been popping up in the city’s fast growing outskirts. During one of their last visits to their old house, they receive an unexpected guest - Vikram, the prodigal son who had run away from home almost two decades ago.

Vikram’s arrival is most warmly welcomed by the four 20-something kids of his older siblings, who are fascinated by his ‘cool’ life. He is a globe-trotting investment consultant with seemingly loads of cash, a South African wife and a no-strings lifestyle. One by one, he catalyses questions and introspection in each member of the family, lending an ear, offering a suggestion, gently prodding the youngsters along to follow their dreams instead of settling into the family business like the generations before them.

One by one, the youngsters rebel under the gentle patronage of their lost-and-found uncle. Sachin’s daughter Shweta pursues her dream to travel the world rather than get married, Mrunal’s daughter Ananya moves to Mumbai to pursue a modelling career. Her brother Virajas chooses to stay with the family business, and is handsomely rewarded with a plum position and a new car.

The middle generation gets interesting character arcs too. Sachin Khedekar, the oldest son of the family patriarch realizes with a sigh that his life is set. He is a simple Marathi man, as he puts it, who has never thought beyond the life path set out for him by his father and now, with his own apartment without the foreboding eyes of his stern father over him, the best he can do with the new-found freedom is to take the occasional swig of beer in his own drawing room.

The sister, Mrunal Kulkarni faces up to the fact that she gave up on her dreams of being an actress under family pressure and due to an early marriage. However she also realises that it may not be too late for her daughter. Atul Kulkarni plays a widower who too, like his older brother and sister, married young under the orders of his father, but the film reveals some fascinating aspects to his character that I won’t spoil here.
Rebellion however is not the point of the film. The film is mercifully bereft of the kind of melodrama you would generally expect in this kind of a story. It also avoids judging anyone, not even the stern patriarch or Mrunal’s somewhat uncouth small-town husband. The grandmother played by Jyoti Subhash is a delight to watch. The lady demands prompt wi-fi connection in the new house so she may skype with her old friends, and pulls out an iPhone as soon as Vikram shares his Twitter handle. Incidentally she is the only character who voices that popular old grudge about a changing Pune.

The revered Marathi author and humorist P L Deshpande (Pu La, as he is fondly called in Marathi) once remarked that in order to become a Punekar, you should learn to complain about how Pune is not what it used to be. The city of Pune gets a starring role in this film, with leisurely night-time drives along FC Road and panoramic views of the city and its changing face. Pu La is also referenced by the grandfather - his habit of recalling the beloved author is one of the humanizing touches in a somewhat unsympathetic character.

When the character of Vikram first appeared with his swanky suitcases, I braced myself for a Bawarchi rehash, but thankfully he does not play a preachy, magic-wand-wielding influence here. The people in the family mostly figure things out for themselves - the wheels are set in motion much before we meet them. I suspect they would have made the same choices even if Vikram never came back in their lives. His presence here, and the endearing scenes he shares with his nephews, nieces, siblings and mother only make the proceedings more interesting cinematically.

All in all, it is a warm and endearing couple hours with a bunch of likeable people and general doses of Pune. It has been released with English subtitles, and is worth a watch even if you don’t follow Marathi. The specifics may be very Pune-centric, but the characters and themes have a very universal, very modern appeal. Not a bad way to spend an afternoon at the movies.

**Edit: An earlier version of this article wrongly cited the name of the actress playing the grandmother. Thank you Manali, Snehal and Abhimanyu for correcting me.

Sunday, September 20, 2015

Tu Hi Re: no surprises!

The short story Neither A Song, Nor Fiction by Sindhi writer Popati Hiranandani very endearingly narrates the growing insecurities of a young woman married to a woefully unromantic man. Being thwarted at every attempt to infuse a little romance in her dry domestic life, she starts harbouring fears of losing him to another woman. The husband's staid, even boring personality makes it easier for the reader to empathize with her emotions.

The writer and director of Tu Hi Re could take a leaf out of the late Sindhi author's book. The film tries very hard to make you worry about Nandini (Sai Tamhankar) and Siddharth's (Swapnil Joshi) marriage, but I did not buy it for a second. Not when the film's nominal bad man, the evil politician Kamlakar Bhanushali (Girish Oak) offers Siddharth a load of cash to leave his wife. Not when said wife learns about her husband's past affair with Bhanushali's lovely daughter Bhairavi (Tejaswini Pandit). Not when the sweet and simple Nandini goes out of her way to afford Siddharth one more meeting with the earstwhile object of his affection. Not when an excruciatingly loud Sad Song burst my fragile eardrums goading me to worry about Siddharth and Nandini's 8 year old marriage. Not even when their little daughter voices Nandini's worst fears. I just could not get myself to worry. Or to care.

In the aforementioned short story, it is the husband's personality and the dynamic of the marriage that make the wife's fears seem plausible. Here instead we have a saccharine sweet first half of watching the couple coochie-cooing all over the town. We are given no reason to doubt Siddharth's dedication to his wife and kid. And you can't blame the movie too much. Popati's hero would not be as multiplex friendly as the ever smiling Swapnil Joshi. But then in 2015, can we really get ourselves to worry over such a trivial issue as a husband's long forgotten college romance?

The premise of Tu Hi Re would have made a compelling watch in the 90s. Not just because that generation would make a bigger deal about such an issue, but perhaps a Marathi filmmaker of that time would be able to tell this story more honestly. This story belongs in a quintessentially middle class setting, where marriages are arranged, romance belongs in the fictional world of the movies, and subjects like past girlfriends are not discussed. The couple in this movie is too urban, too polished, and too 'cool' to sell its central conflict.

This seems to be the bane of mainstream Marathi cinema of late. In its attempt to be at par with mainstream Hindi films, it is losing its middle class roots. The SRK-Kajol chemistry of its lead pair can wring a few smiles from you, but it cannot keep you at an edge. the role of Siddharth needed the broodiness of say, a young Amitabh Bacchan or the seriousness of Vijay Anand from Kora Kagaz. To cite more Marathi examples, given my limited exposure I can only think of Dilip Kulkarni in Chaukat Raja, the family man with his very understandable discomfort over his wife's growing closeness to her retarded friend.  This is a man who can surprise you, and before the film ends, he does. Or Manohar Joshi in Tu Tithe Mee as the retired gent who has been so busy tending to his duties as the provider for the family that his wife seems unacquainted with his gentle loving side. In one of the film's most touching moments, the wife mentions a letter she wrote him decades ago, early in their marriage, pouring her heart out to her young husband for the first time, that he never bothered to answer. On reply, the old man pulls out a tattered piece of paper from under his pillow - it is the same letter, which he had carefully preserved all these years, and which he now recites word for word. He has always felt very deeply for her, he explains, only never been able to express.

These are stories driven as much by personalities as by circumstance. I have always found Marathi films most adept at exploring the psychological aspect of these simple yet deeply personal stories. Getting inside the heads of your characters can lead to some of the most intense and affecting moments in film - like Amitabh's outburst in Zanjeer when he feels suffocated by his resolve to keep our of harm's way for the sake of the woman he loves. It can also get messy, and you cannot be emotionally honest while looking pretty.

Perhaps it is Swapnil in the role of Siddharth that's the problem. The dude is just too... nice. There's nothing dark or mysterious about him, no hint of secrets. He is believable enough in the flashback scenes of candy floss romance around a plush college campus. But I could see no difference between the freshly graduated Siddharth of the flashback and the much married Siddharth of the present.  I wonder what someone like Sandesh Jadhav might have made of this role.

There is a moment in the film where the wife registers surprise on hearing of the escapades of a young Siddharth. Like most emotions in this film, I could not share in her surprise.

Saturday, September 19, 2015

Questioning Modi

In an interview with Newslaundry in 2012, Justice Katju made a very interesting point. In a democracy he said, the traditional hierarchy of power gets reversed. Instead of political leaders ruling over the public, now the public, at least in theory, sits at the top of the power hierarchy, and the elected representatives at the very bottom. The statement was in the context of a larger argument regarding the liabilities of public figures, but it was this point about the reversed hierarchy that I find very thought provoking. It also provides the clue on the state of public political discourse in the country at the moment, such as it is.

If democracy has placed the power and superiority with the general public, it would seem most members of the public have not received the memo. For we continue showering our leaders with the kind of reverence, loyalty and dedication formerly reserved for monarchs.

For the longest time since the country gained its freedom, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty enjoyed this loyalty by sheer virtue of bloodline. The most blatant display of the monarchical nature of Indian politics was when after the death of Indira Gandhi her younger progeny, a pilot, wholly inexperienced in politics or administration, and having never served a public office, was promptly pressed into service as the new Prime Minister. I was too young to recollect the genesis of that event, but there you have it, the Prime Minister with the Most Number of Things Named After Him, a person who got there with no merit to speak of.

Our political landscape is teeming with noble families headed by Lords and Ladies who enjoy the unwavering adulation of their people, and when the time comes, step aside and hand over the reins to the next generation. This holds true across state lines and political affiliation, and enough has been written about dynastic politics that I don't need to repeat here.

To the credit of the electorate, they did not allow our Central Cercei to plant her Joffrey on the Iron Throne nearly as easily. A good part of the credit for keeping little Joffrey in check goes to our current Prime Minister, the former Warden of the West who promised to change the paradigm. This man rose through the ranks on merit, and has over a decade of heading a State to show on his CV. That in itself is more than some of our former Prime Ministers could claim. And for what it's worth, we don't have any Modi-kids to worry about.


Yet this is not the end of monarchy in India. In an ideal world, the very people who threw their weight behind Modi's BJP and gave them an unprecedented clear majority in the parliament, should now be holding this government accountable for every one of their moves. Some of them are doing just that. So we had army men holding the government by the collar over their OROP promises. We have students of the FTII refusing to allow their institution to be given away like a piece of candy to a party loyal unworthy of its chairmanship.

If more of us thought of themselves as the masters in a democracy rather than as subjects, the tone of political discourse in the country would have been very different and very encouraging. Instead, we have a large and vocal segment of the public clinging to the new government with the kind of fierce loyalty that Congress once commanded. You see them everywhere - in drawing room discussions, social media, news debates, and overlong WhatsApp messages - people who continue campaigning for Modi.

They jump to the defense of Modi and his government every time someone questions either. They viciously attack those voices as if questioning Modi were the equivalent of supporting the Congress. It is not. Most liberals who view Modi with a degree of skepticism have no illusions about Congress or the Gandhi family either. Nobody in their right minds is taking Rahul Gandhi seriously, not even within the Congress. So chill. A lot of people who question Modi, simply do not want to let him or this government to get away with the kind of crimes against democracy that Congress did. Regardless of which party is in power, what their political leanings and convictions, however noble their intentions, constant and unforgiving public scrutiny of a government is always a good thing.

Darlings, put down the campaign banners. The Elections are over. Modi has won. You've done your service to him, by voting for him, by speaking up for him, by drumming up support for him when he needed it. Now let him serve you, like he promised.

(Sorry for the Game Of Thrones references. The bug does get you.)